Education

An Inside Higher Ed webinar with Stacey R. Bolton Tsantir, the chair of the Health and Safety Subcommittee of NAFSA: Association of International Educator, presented May 23, 2013. Click here to download the accompanying slide deck. Secti...
An Inside Higher Ed webinar with Stacey R. Bolton Tsantir, the chair of the Health and Safety Subcommittee of NAFSA: Association of International Educator, presented May 23, 2013. Click here to download the accompanying slide deck. Section: Editorial Webinars (order here)File: Education Abroad_ Best Practices in Health and Safety_0_0.flv
about 3 hours ago
The result is mostly guys making fun of girls and reducing them to shallow stereotypes of attention whores, emotional nut jobs, drama queens, "sluts" and other obnoxious generalizations that are unfounded.
The result is mostly guys making fun of girls and reducing them to shallow stereotypes of attention whores, emotional nut jobs, drama queens, "sluts" and other obnoxious generalizations that are unfounded.
about 3 hours ago
As first published in Education Week, May 22, 2013. Reprinted with permission. The Common Core State Standards contain laudable goals for what students ought to be able to do. Attaining those goals, especially in English/language arts an...
As first published in Education Week, May 22, 2013. Reprinted with permission. The Common Core State Standards contain laudable goals for what students ought to be able to do. Attaining those goals, especially in English/language arts and literacy, depends on how schools interpret the standards’ call for a content-rich curriculum: “[W]hile the standards make references to some particular [...]
about 3 hours ago
Marry = Kanye, F*ck = N'Sync, Kill = Taylor Swift (except for that 'Safe and Sound' song—that is my jam)
Marry = Kanye, F*ck = N'Sync, Kill = Taylor Swift (except for that 'Safe and Sound' song—that is my jam)
about 3 hours ago
about 6 hours ago
Student loan rates are set to double on July 1 unless Congress and the Obama administration are able to come to an agreement to head off the rate hike—and it's anyone's guess whether Democrats and Republicans will be able to come t...
Student loan rates are set to double on July 1 unless Congress and the Obama administration are able to come to an agreement to head off the rate hike—and it's anyone's guess whether Democrats and Republicans will be able to come together to make that happen. Here's where things stand right now: The U.S. House of Representatives, largely on party lines, on a vote of 221 to 198, approved a bill Thursday that would tie interest rates on federally subsidized undergraduate student loans to the 10-year U.S. Treasury note, something that the Obama administration also proposed in its fiscal year 2014 budget. Right now, interest rates are at historic lows, so even the 3.4 percent isn't a great deal for students. But that's expected to change very soon as interest rates increase, according to projections from the Congressional Research Service. More here. There are, however, some key differences between the administration's proposal and the House bill, authored by U.S. Rep. John Kline, the chairman of the House education committee. And the White House thinks the differences are a big enough deal that it threatened yesterday to veto the House legislation—a move Kline called "partisan" in a statement. So what was the White House's biggest beef? Under the administration's approach, rates on student loans would vary from year to year, but once a student actually took out a loan, the rate would be fixed. The GOP proposal would allow the rate to fluctuate. However, once students graduate, they could package their loans together, take the weighted average of the interest rate on their loans, and lock in that rate for the life of the loan, a House GOP aide explained. What's more, the administration would seek to keep students from having to fork over a big chunk of their income to repaying loans by expanding so-called income-based repayment programs, while the House GOP would protect students from big interest rate jumps by capping student loan rates at 8.5 percent. Those differences were a key point of discussion during the U.S. House debate. "There's a very big difference between the president's [approach] and the Kline bill," said Rep. George Miller of California, the top Democrat on the House Education and the Workforce Committee. He said the GOP bill would "add $4 billion worth of debt onto the backs of students"—a reference to projections by the Congressional Budget Office that the bill would trim nearly $4 billion from the deficit. And he noted that rates wouldn't be locked in for the life of the loan. "This bill essentially asks students to sign up for a loan without knowing what they're signing up for ... Whether they're committed to a market rate or not, I understand that this is a very flawed bill." But Kline said there was a lot of misinformation about the committee's approach. He noted that students would be able to consolidate their loans into a fixed rate if they wanted to, after graduating, which he argued could result in a better deal for students if rates are low. And he urged lawmakers to advance the bill so that the White House and Congress could begin to hammer out their differences. "We believe that we can work together," he said Thursday during floor debate. Meanwhile, over on the Senate side, lawmakers including U.S. Sen. Tom Harkin, D-Iowa, the chairman of the Senate education committee, and Sen. Harry Reid, the Majority Leader, have introduced legislation that would keep loan rates stable at 3.4 percent for the next two years. That would give Congress time to work out a long-term solution to the loan rate problem, likely through a reauthorization of the Higher Education Act, which governs the student lending program. U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan told lawmakers earlier this week that he wants a long-term solution to the student loan problem, not a short-term fix. Still, in a statement released Wednesday, Duncan seemed to indicate that he would be willing
about 6 hours ago
“Not everyone should go to college,” writes Matt Reed. But “everyone should have the option — really have the option — so we don’t miss talent based on prejudice masquerading as toughness.” Given real ...
“Not everyone should go to college,” writes Matt Reed. But “everyone should have the option — really have the option — so we don’t miss talent based on prejudice masquerading as toughness.” Given real options, people will find the paths that are right for them.  Some will choose paths far away from college, and that’s their right. But some will show up shaggy and unkempt, and shock the hell out of us.  That’s why we’re here.  It’s a valuable and worthy mission, and one that would be easy to violate in the name of a superficial rigor.  The real rigor comes in creating, sustaining, and improving an audaciously egalitarian institution in a political culture in which the winds blow cold.  It’s cold outside.  Open the door and let people in. Predictors of academic success often fail at the individual level, Reed concludes. “We don’t know who is worthy and who isn’t, so we’re better off treating everyone as potentially worthy.”
about 6 hours ago
The headlines from the U.S. Census Bureau's 2011 school finance data release focused on per-pupil spending, which dropped for the first time in nearly 40 years. But this school finance report is full of other interesting data as well. So...
The headlines from the U.S. Census Bureau's 2011 school finance data release focused on per-pupil spending, which dropped for the first time in nearly 40 years. But this school finance report is full of other interesting data as well. Some highlights: 1. While school spending overall was down, from $522 billion in 2011 compared to $523 billion in 2010, there was one category that saw a spending increase: employee benefits. Even as districts were spending less on wages (by 1.2 percent), health insurance and retirement costs rose by 0.4 percent. That's not very much, clearly, but still an increase as other spending was going down. This is a trend Chad Aldeman explains well over at the Quick & the Ed. 2. The states with the largest declines in per-pupil spending in 2011, compared to 2010, were: Idaho (4 percent), Illinois (7.4 percent), Maine (6.7 percent), and New Jersey (5.2 percent). 3. The states with the largest increases in per-pupil spending were: Alaska (5.6 percent), Connecticut (4.7 percent), Kentucky (4 percent), New Hampshire (6.8 percent), Vermont (4.3 percent), and Wyoming (4.5 percent). 4. Some school districts get a lot of money from private contributions, which the Census also collects data on. The top five beneficiaries of private donors in 2011 were: New York City ($43.9 million), District of Columbia ($21.8 million), Clark County in Nevada ($13.8 million), Cincinnati ($13.3 million), and Hillsborough County in Florida ($12.1 million). 5. The federal share of school spending is still well above where it was before the recession and the economic-stimulus package. In 2011, 12.3 percent of revenue for schools came from federal sources and 44 percent from state. (The rest came from local property taxes). That's slightly less than the high of 12.5 percent that came from federal sources in 2010, when stimulus money was raining down. By contrast, in 2008, 8.1 percent came from the federal government and 48.3 percent from state sources. - Michele McNeil
about 7 hours ago
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about 7 hours ago
Community colleges “are asked to educate those students with the greatest needs, using the least funds, and in increasingly separate and unequal institutions,” concludes Bridging the Higher Education Divide, a report by  a Ce...
Community colleges “are asked to educate those students with the greatest needs, using the least funds, and in increasingly separate and unequal institutions,” concludes Bridging the Higher Education Divide, a report by  a Century Foundation task force. “Racial and economic stratification is connected to unequal financial resources as well as to unequal curricula, expectations, and school cultures.” Forty-four percent of U.S. college students attend community colleges. Most fail to earn a certificate or degree in six years.  While more than 81 percent of entering students say they want to transfer and earn at least a bachelor’s degree, only 11 percent will succeed within six years. Worse enrolling in community college appears to lower the odds of success for the best-qualified students. Among low-income students who’ve completed trigonometry, a mark of college readiness, 69 percent who start at a four-year college or university will earn a bachelor’s degree, compared to 19 percent who start at a community college. Funding should go to colleges that serve students with the greatest needs and produce the best outcomes, such as job placements, degrees and transfers to four- year institutions, the report argues.  In order to promote equity and avoid incentives for “creaming” the most well prepared students, funding should be tied to distance traveled and progress made—that is to say, consideration of where students start as well as where they end up. In addition, the number of nontraditional, minority and low-income students who achieve each of these outcomes should be monitored. Higher education subsidies should be transparent,  ”including public tax expenditures in the form of tax breaks for private donations, tax exemptions for endowment-derived income, and the like,” to show how little funding is going to colleges that serve less-advantaged Americans. Creating clear transfer pathways would help community college students reach their goals, the report suggests. Two- and four-year institutions need to work together, perhaps creating joint bachelor’s degree programs. States should adopt “guaranteed transfer” policies. Four-year colleges and universities should receive financial incentives for accepting low-income community college transfer students, the report recommends. Highly selective institutions should commit to accepting community college transfers for 5 percent of their junior class. To attract middle-class achievers to community colleges, the report suggests creating “honors colleges” and using “early college” options on campus. At the same time, selective four-year colleges and universities should focus affirmative action programs on disadvantaged students of all racial and ethnic backgrounds. Community colleges “can become America’s quintessential ‘middle-class’ institutions — serving both those already in the middle-class and those aspiring to become part of it,” Bridging the Higher Education Divide concludes. But, right now, higher education is increasingly stratified. The most selective institutions primarily serve students from educated, well-to-do families, while open access institutions enroll, but usually don’t graduate,  lower-income and working-class students. Here’s the New York Times‘ take on the report.
about 8 hours ago